中国的总理寻求改革及其相关

9 8月
  • China’s Premier Seeks Reforms and Relevance
Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, bowing, at the scene of a deadly July 23 train wreck near Wenzhou. The crash, and subsequent official efforts to suppress information, have stirred anger in China.

总理温家宝在7月23日靠近温州的死亡事故的现场鞠躬。随后,官方对这起事故采取控制消息的做法,引发愤怒。

BEIJING — China’s prime minister, Wen Jiabao, stood amid funerary wreaths in Wenzhou, near where a high-speed train accident claimed 40 lives late last month, and pledged an “open and transparent” government inquiry into the disaster. “The key,” he said, “is whether the people can get the truth.”

在温州,中国总理温家宝站在葬礼的花圈中。上个月下旬,一起导致40人死亡的高铁事故就发生在附近。温家宝保证对这场灾难进行“开放和透明”的政府调查。他说:“这是人们能否获得真相的关键。”

The next day, censors silenced the news media’s dogged reporting on railway negligence and corruption, then started censoring posts on microblogs that had stoked outrage over the crash.

第二天,新闻媒体对铁路部门的疏忽和腐败的跟踪报道,在新闻审查机构的压力下沉默了,接着,对于微博言论的审查也开始了,这些做法引发了公众对于这起事故的愤怒。

By last week, the government inquiry itself was accused of being rigged, run by a panel that included the Railways Ministry’s second in command and loyalist experts.

上个星期,当局自己的调查被指控受到操控。这个调查是由包括铁道部第二把手和效忠的专家组成的小组所从事的。

Such indignities are not new. As Mr. Wen enters the twilight of a decade as China’s third-ranked leader, he appears to be struggling to remain relevant in a political system that covets his benevolent public image but has little use for his ideas.

类似的轻蔑并不新鲜。当温先生做为中国排名第三的领导任期届满之时,他好像仍然在政治系统内做着努力,但只是渴求他慈祥的公众形象,却很少采用他的意见。

The leading spokesman for what passes for political liberalism in China, Mr. Wen is by most accounts ideologically isolated on the Communist Party’s nine-member Politburo standing committee. More than once, his views have been rebuffed, tacitly or openly, in party organs. There are tantalizing hints of rifts with his boss, President Hu Jintao.

被认为是中国政治自由主义首要发言人的温先生,在中共政治局的九大常委中,被大多数人在意识形态上孤立。在党内,他的意见不止一次的被沉默或者公开的回绝过。耐人寻味地暗示他和老板,国家主席胡锦涛之间存在着裂痕。

“Grandpa Wen,” who shares the common man’s pain and champions his interests, is easily China’s most popular politician. But internally, as Communist Party hard-liners strengthen their control, his advocacy of political reform has increasingly sapped his influence.

分享普通人的痛苦和维护他的权力的“温爷爷”,显而易见是中国最受欢迎的政治人物。但是在党内,当强硬路线巩固他们的控制之时,他的政治改革的主张逐渐消弱了他的影响力。

He has become such a high-risk figure, one official news media editor says, that a conservative-led state radio network last year balked at his offer of an exclusive exchange with listeners on the air. Even liberals who support Mr. Wen’s reformist oratory find themselves disillusioned by his failure to gain traction within the leadership.

他变成了一个高度危险的人物,一名官方媒体的编辑说,去年保守派控制的国家广播网络回避他的独家报道,替换给听众其他节目。甚至连支持温先生的改革演讲的自由派也为他未能扩大在领导层内的影响而感到失望。

“When Wen became premier eight years ago, people had high hopes because his speeches always leave people hopeful,” said He Weifang, a liberal Beijing legal scholar. “But now it has been eight years. His term is coming to an end. It’s doubtful whether he genuinely has the strong will to reform, because it doesn’t seem he has taken enough convincing actions to resist the conservatives.”

“当八年前温成为总理时,人们对他的期望很高,因为他的演讲总是给人以希望。”北京的一名自由派法律学者贺卫方说,“但是,现在已经八年了。他的任期就要结束了。他是否真的有强烈的改革意愿是令人怀疑的,因为他似乎没有采取足够的行动对付保守派。”

Mr. Wen has never been seen as especially strong. Some scholars of China’s leadership say his unspecific calls for democracy and people power actually fit comfortably within a Communist Party committed to absolute rule.

温先生从来没有被认为特别强壮。一些中国的党内学者说,他泛泛呼吁的民主和人权的尺度实际上正好适合中共的极权统治。

Others question his maverick credentials, calling him less a reformer than the good cop in a bad-cop system. “Wen’s become the human face of the administration, and he’s been very effective,” said Susan Shirk, a longtime China expert at the University of California, San Diego. “The other possibility is that Wen Jiabao has two faces. He advocates transparency in his public statements, but only insofar as it doesn’t threaten the authority of the party.”

另外一些人则质疑他的诚信力,说他的改革还不如一个在坏的警察系统中的好警察。“温变成了人类面孔的施政者,而且很有效。”圣地亚哥加利社尼亚大学长期的中国问题专家谢淑丽说,“另一种可能是,温家宝有两张面孔。他主张透明的政治,但是仅限于不会威胁到共产党的地位。”

But in a mostly faceless and closed-mouth leadership, no one strains so publicly at his tethers — or suffers as many rebuffs — as Mr. Wen. That pattern has intensified as jockeying begins for next year’s choices of a new politburo and the next generation of China’s top leaders.

但是,在大多数面孔冰冷、默不作声的领导层中,没有人公开的和他站在一起——或者遭受公然的回绝——像温先生一样。当中共正在为来年的政治局和下一代的领导的选择而运作之时,这种情景得到了加强。

The Wenzhou episode is illustrative. One political analyst close to senior officials said Mr. Wen had not planned to visit the disaster scene; a deputy prime minister who oversees work safety, Zhang Dejiang, was to handle the matter.

温州的插曲说明了这点。一位接近高层的政治分析家说,温先生没有计划去灾难现场;掌管安全工作的副总理张德江负责处理此事。

But with Mr. Zhang in charge, backhoes crushed and buried a wrecked train car at the site — and provoked a national outcry from bloggers who accused the government of a cover-up. Mr. Wen, then in a People’s Liberation Army hospital and limited to occasional appearances, was sent to Wenzhou to soothe the masses.

但是,在张先生的掌控下,挖掘机在现场压碎并掩埋了一节火车的残骸——激起了全国各地博客作者的大声抗议,他们指控政府掩盖事故真相。然后,正在解放军总院住院并被限制只能偶尔活动的温先生被送到了温州安抚民众。

Mr. Wen pointedly mentioned that he had been sick — a rare disclosure for a leader — then delivered a call for truth, justice and an inquiry that was open at “every step” to public supervision. The official state media took Mr. Wen’s broadside as a pass to keep digging into Railways Ministry incompetence.

温先生直截了当的提及他生病了——领导人罕有此举——然后表示要寻求真相和正义,要进行一项“每个步骤”都开放给公众监督的调查。官方媒体曲解温先生的批评为保持对铁道部无能的调查。

But the event underscored how the Communist Party’s Propaganda Department trumps a prime minister’s pledge of openness. China’s national CCTV network, which normally trails Mr. Wen to every disaster scene, did not broadcast his remarks live, prompting one anchor to protest on his microblog. Within a day, press coverage backflipped to cheery articles like a paean to the new Beijing-Shanghai high-speed line.

但是,这起事件突显了中共宣传部如何胜过一位总理的公开保证。中国国家电视网CCTV,通常推后播出温先生每次到灾难现场的报道,不播出他发表讲话的实况,促使一名主持人在自己的微博上发出抗议。一天之内,新闻报道180度大转弯,刊发欢快的文章,例如赞美新的北京至上海的高铁线路的。

And it showed that Mr. Wen, who leads the cabinetlike State Council, has trouble controlling a State Council investigation — indeed, not even President Hu controls China’s fractured ruling elite.
 
这显示了温先生做为类似内阁的国务院的领导,难以控制国务院的调查——的确,甚至连国家主席胡锦涛也无法控制中国分裂的统治精英。

As he did after the train accident, Mr. Wen stood in the rubble of the Sichuan Province earthquake in 2008 and promised a transparent investigation into the collapses of shoddily built schools that killed thousands of children. The press reported that 2,500 investigators were deployed. But no wrongdoing was ever disclosed — instead, several activists who pursued malfeasance wound up in detention.

就像他在火车事故之后做的一样,2008年四川地震后,他站在瓦砾上保证要公开调查导致数千名孩子死亡的劣质校舍。报章报道有2500人投入了这项工作。但是没有任何不道德的行为被披露——相反的,一些追踪渎职行为的民间活动分子被拘留了。

Mr. Wen can be crafty. In April 2010, analysts puzzled over a People’s Daily essay by him — published while President Hu was in Brazil — extolling Hu Yaobang, the popular leader forced to resign in 1987 for his reformist bent and whose death, in 1989, helped propel the Tiananmen Square protests. One anecdote described a Hu Yaobang visit that Mr. Wen arranged with Guizhou Province villagers — secretly, he wrote, because Hu Yaobang did not trust local leaders to let them speak freely.

温先生可以很狡猾。在2010年4月,分析家揣摩他在人民日报上的散文——刊登这篇文章的同时,胡主席正在巴西访问——这篇文章赞美胡耀邦。胡耀邦是最受欢迎的领导,1987年因改革而被迫辞职,死于1989年。他的死引发了天安门抗议。温先生安排贵州省的村民与胡耀邦见面,他写道,因为胡耀邦不相信当地领导能让他们自由的对话。

President Hu was the Guizhou party chief during that visit. Outsiders largely missed the article’s implicit jab — but President Hu was mightily displeased, said an editor with high official connections.

胡锦涛主席当时正担任贵州省委书记。局外人大多没有意识到这篇文章的含蓄攻击——但是胡锦涛感到强烈的不快,一名与高层有关系的编辑说。

More often, Mr. Wen is blunt. In a speech last August in Shenzhen, the birthplace of China’s market-oriented reforms, he warned that “without political reform, China may lose what it has already achieved through economic restructuring.”

更多时候,温先生表现得有些迟钝。去年八月,在深圳的一次演讲中,他警告说“没有政治改革,中国可能失去通过经济转型而获得的成果。”

He followed in October by telling CNN that “the people’s wishes for and needs for democracy and freedom are irresistible” and that Chinese should be permitted to criticize the government more freely. The state press, which ignored a similar CNN interview in 2008, ignored this one as well.

他接着在十月份告诉CNN,“人们对于民主和自由的需要不可抗拒。”并且,中国应该允许更为自由的批评政府。官方媒体忽略了2008年类似的CNN的采访,这次也同样被忽略。

But shortly afterward, People’s Daily began publishing a five-editorial series on party discipline, which was said by two state media editors to have been orchestrated by President Hu’s leading strategists and approved by top leadership.

但是不久之后,人民日报开始刊登有关党的纪律的五篇系列社论,据说这个系列的社论是在胡锦涛授权下由两名喉舌的编辑精心完成的,并且得到了最高领导层的批准。

A sentence in one stood out: “The notion that political reform has seriously lagged” is not only “contrary to objective laws, but also inconsistent with objective facts.”

其中一篇文章强调:“政治改革的观念严重落后”不仅“违反客观规律,也与客观事实不一致。”

At least once after the CNN appearance, two journalists close to senior party officials said, members of the leadership personally, although how strongly was unclear, warned Mr. Wen about making statements that appeared out of tune with the Communist Party line.

至少曾经在CNN现身之后,两名接近党的高层的记者说,虽然领导层内对其支持的程度并不清楚。警告温先生发表的演讲与党的路线不搭调。(这段存疑)

At 68, with retirement in sight, Mr. Wen may not care about such slaps on the wrist. In fact, he might gain a voice in shaping the next class of upper-echelon leaders.

已经68岁,退休就在眼前的温先生可能并不在乎这类打击。事实上,他应该增加音量影响下一届的领导梯队。

But Mr. Wen’s happy-warrior persona also shows signs of tarnishing his standing with the masses, as government action consistently falls short of his promises. “More people are starting to ask, ‘Why don’t these words come true?’ ” said Mr. He, the legal scholar.

但是,温先生的快乐战士的角色在他面对大众时也显示出了锈蚀的迹象,因为当局的行动始终达不到他的承诺。“更多的人开始质疑,‘为什么这些话不兑现呢?’”法律学者贺先生说。

Chen Jianping, 23, a friend of two of Wenzhou train-crash survivors, said “I only believe part of what Premier Wen said. The government is unable to carry out everything it promises; some of what he says may be just show.”

两名温州火车事故幸存者的朋友陈建平说,“我只相信温总理的部分说法。政府没有能力兑现他保证的每一件事。他的一些说可能只是表演。”

Yet in a China that seems more suspicious of authority almost daily, a show may be better than nothing.

然而在中国,几乎每天似乎都有对政府更多的质疑,一场表演总比什么都没有强。

“The cynicism about the system is rising,” said Cheng Li, a Brookings Institution scholar of the Chinese leadership. “My real worry is whether the next generation will have a Wen Jiabao-like leader.”

“有关系统的玩世不恭正在增长中。”布鲁金斯学院的中国领导层的学者陈立说,“我真正的担心是,下一代的领导中是否会有类似温家宝的人。”

中国城市爆发狂犬病后命令扑杀30000只宠物狗

5 8月

Cull of 30,000 pet dogs ordered after deadly rabies outbreak in Chinese city

Dogs in Jiangmen to be seized and put down to improve sanitation but experts brand plan unscientific and inhumane

为了改善环境卫生,江门的狗必须遭到捕杀和取缔,但是专家批评这种做法不科学、不人道

chinese city bans dogs

Pet dogs seen in the Pengjiang, Jianghai and Xinhui districts of Jiangmen after 26 August face seizure or destruction. Photograph: Dan Chung for the Guardian
在面临8月26日的收缴和毁灭的命令后,江门市的蓬江区、江海区和新汇区仍然可以看到宠物犬。

A southern Chinese city has banned pet dogs,leaving tens of thousands facing a cull unless they can find new homes.

一个中国的南方城市颁布了宠物犬的禁令,导致成千上万的宠物犬面临被扑杀的命运,除非他们能够找到新的家。

Authorities in Jiangmen, Guangdong province, say they are concerned about rabies cases and the general state of the city. But animal lovers have reacted angrily and a disease control expert warned the tactic, which will affect 30,000 animals, is unscientific, inhumane and short-term.

广东省江门市政府说,他们关注狂犬病的病例与城市的正常状态。但是,动物爱好者对此感到愤怒,一名疾病控制专家对这项将会对30000只动物产生影响的政策发出警告,说它不科学、残忍并且只顾眼前。

Any dogs seen in the Pengjiang, Jianghai and Xinhui districts after 26 August will be seized or killed, city officials say. Guard dogs will be allowed, but only for companies with property worth at least 5m yuan (£474,000).

当局说,8月26日以后,蓬江、江海和新汇区内任何被看到的狗都要被收缴和扑杀。只有500万元资产以上的公司的警卫犬例外。

The Jiangmen Daily said officials aimed to “prevent and control rabies, maintain public order and sanitation, and create a sound environment for the people”. The newspaper added that 42 of the city’s 4 million residents had died from rabies in the past three years.

江门日报说,当局旨在“阻止和控制狂犬病,维护公共秩序和环境卫生,为公众创造良好的生活环境。”

“Dogs found with diseases will be euthanised in a humanitarian manner. We will sign agreements with owners before putting down their dogs,” Li Wantong, technology director at an animal disease control centre in Jiangmen, told the Global Times. “We will try to find solutions for healthy ones, as we do not have the capacity to keep a large number.”

“发现生病的犬将会按照人道的方式实施安乐死。我们将会在和主人达成协议后处理他们的宠物犬。”江门疾病控制中心的技术主管李望通告诉环球时报,“我们将为那些健康犬找到解决方案,因为我们没有能力喂养那些多的宠物犬。”

Some residents back the move, with one complaining to the newspaper: “[Dog] excrement is everywhere in the courtyard and parks, and their barking always disrupts my sleep.”

一些居民支持这项政策,有人向这份报纸抱怨说:“院子里和公园中到处都有(狗的)粪便,他们的叫声总是影响我睡觉。”

But a poodle owner said: “Banning all pet dogs, taking them away and killing them is a bit too much.”

但是一位贵宾犬的主人说:“禁止所有的宠物犬,没收并且杀死它们,有点太过份了。”

Dog ownership has soared as Chinese incomes have risen over the past few decades and there is growing interest in animal rights, particularly among the middle class.

在过去几十年中,随着中国人收入的增长,拥有宠物的人的数量也在飙升。中国人对于动物权利的兴趣也在增长中,尤其是在中产阶级。

“This [ban] is not scientific, not humane, and it will not last long. In short term, maybe it could be effective, but after that, people still want to keep dogs,” said Dr Tang Qing of the National Institute for Viral Disease Control and Prevention at China‘s Centre for Disease Control. “People won’t accept it and implementing it will be difficult – you can’t break down doors to seize and kill dogs.”

“这个(禁令)不科学,不人道,它将会是短命的。短期内,它或许有效,但是在此之后,人们仍然想养狗。”中国疾病控制中心病毒性疾病预防和控制研究所的唐青博士说,“人们不接受它,这项政策执行起来将会很困难——你不能破门而入去收缴和捕杀宠物犬。”

He added that a vaccination programme for dogs would be cheaper and more effective.

他补充说,一项更为便宜的对于宠物犬的接种计划会更有效果。

China has the world’s second-highest death toll from rabies after India, with cases rising sharply in the past decade, possibly due to increasing pet ownership and rising healthcare costs.

由于过去十年来死亡病例的激增,中国成为排在印度之后的世界上第二高狂犬病死亡率的国家,可能是由于养犬人数的增长和疗治费用的增长而造成的。

The health ministry says 3,300 people died of the disease in 2007, although the toll fell to 2,466 in 2008 and experts believe the worst may be over.

卫生部说,2007年有3300人死于狂犬病,尽管这个数字在2008年降到了2466人,而且专家们相信,最坏的时刻已经过去。

A 2009 ministry report said only a fifth of China’s 75m dogs were vaccinated against the disease. It added that 40 million people a year were bitten by animals.

2009年卫生部的报告说,中国的7500万只狗中只有5分之1接种了狂犬病疫苗。这个报告接着说,一年中有4000万人被动物咬伤。

Dr Kati Loeffler, veterinary adviser for the International Fund for Animal Welfare in China, said: “Decades of research internationally have shown culling is absolutely ineffective in controlling rabies – the only way to control it is through mass vaccination. The second reason that [officials] do it is because people are not taking care of their animals … causing nuisance. That requires education.”

中国动物福利国际基金的兽医顾问Kati Loeffler博士说,“数十年来的国际性研究显示,扑杀对于控制狂犬病完全无效——唯一有效的控制方式是通过广泛接种。(官方)这么做的第二个原因,是因为人们不关心他们的动物…………原因是嫌麻烦。这需要通过教育加以解决。”

In several cases tightened dog ownership rules have led people to abandon pets, resulting in a large stray population that potentially causes more problems.

在一些加强限制宠物所有者权利的案例中,导致了人们弃养宠物,造成了大批的流浪宠物,产生了更多的社会问题。

Two years ago, Hanzhong in Shaanxi enraged animal lovers by announcing it had culled 36,000 stray and pet dogs.

两年前,陕西汉中也曾因为扑杀36000只流浪及宠物犬而激怒动物爱好者。

Additional research by Han Cheng

中国的高速政治

30 7月

China’s High-Speed Politics

By DAVID BANDURSKI
Published: July 28, 2011
 

HONG KONG — In the wake of a deadly train collision in China that claimed at least 39 lives, a single photograph has for many Chinese become emblematic of a callous, unresponsive political culture that prioritizes instant results over public well-being and accountability.

香港——作为致命的、导致39人死亡的火车相撞事故的回响,一幅照片成为了中国优先考虑公民幸福和应负责任的冷漠、麻木政治文化的象征。

The news photograph shows a high-speed train zipping along a viaduct in Wenzhou, the site of the accident last Saturday, less than a day after rescue work was halted, some say far too soon. The wreckage of the crash is piled carelessly on the barren ground below, a tragedy swept rashly into the past.

这幅新闻照片展示了一列高速列车在温州的高架铁路桥上轻快的穿行着。这张照片的拍摄地点就是上星期六的事故现场,时间为救援停止后不到一天的时间。有些人说,救援停止的太早了。列车的残骸被随便的堆在桥下的荒地上,一场悲剧迅速的被抹去了。

From the outset, China’s government did its utmost to keep public doubts from gathering speed. The Central Propaganda Department instructed media across the country to avoid hard questions and focus instead on “stories that are extremely moving, like people donating blood and taxi drivers refusing to accept fares.” The overarching theme, it said, should be “great love in the face of great tragedy.”

从一开始,中国政府就尽最大可能使公众的怀疑不要集中于列车的速度。中宣部命令各地媒体回避敏感问题,转而聚焦于“感人的故事,比如献血的人和不收车费的出租司机。”中宣部说,全部主题都应该是“大灾面前有大爱”。

Meanwhile, China’s rail ministry cited lightning as the cause of the accident, sidestepping questions of human error and institutional failure. When journalists asked pointedly how a young girl had been found alive after officials called an end to the rescue effort, the ministry again favored emotion over candor, calling the discovery a “miracle.”

与此同时,中国铁道部称事故是由闪电造成的,回避人为错误和制度上的失误。当记者询问,为什么在官员宣布救援结束后,仍然找到了一名活着的女孩时,这个部门再次以情感掩饰坦率,称这个发现是个“奇迹”。

Over the last several days, however, Chinese have insistently pushed the Wenzhou tragedy front and center, refusing to accept the government’s rationalizations and distractions. Using Twitter-like platforms on an unprecedented scale, people have clamored for answers to a hornet’s nest of questions.

尽管过去了一些天了,中国人仍然坚持将温州悲剧当成焦点,拒绝接受政府的合理化和分散注意力。使用推特的人达到了空前的程度,人们大声疾呼,要求回答捅马峰窝的问题。

How was the accident caused by lightning? Why was the train behind not aware there was a train in front? Why was the rescue effort halted so soon? Why was the wreckage piled up into shallow pits before there had been a proper investigation into the accident’s cause? Why has a list of victims not been made public?

为什么事故的原因是闪电?为什么后面的火车没有意识到前面有火车?为什么救援努力停止的这么早?为什么在没有经过适当的调查之前,就将列车残骸堆到了浅坑里?为什么不公开遇难者名单?

Magazines and newspapers have followed suit, reporting boldly on the facts and pressing for answers.

杂志和报纸也跟随意民意,大胆的报道这一现实,要求回答这些问题。

At the very heart of all of these questions — and indeed of the tragedy itself — is a government that refuses to be held accountable for its decisions, and that admits no criticism when criticism might make the difference between bold vision and monstrous folly.

这些所有问题的核心——确实是自身的悲剧——政府拒绝为自己的决策负责,等于承认,没有批评能够左右他们。这些批评本来应该能够分出大胆的设想和极端愚蠢之间的不同。

Questions about the rapid development of China’s high-speed rail network have simmered under the surface for years but were never given a proper hearing. Led by the former railway minister Liu Zhijun, who was jailed for corruption in February, a handful of government officials were entrusted with vast resources while being exempted from public scrutiny. (The general budget estimate for the Beijing-Shanghai high-speed railroad alone surpasses the entire budget for the Three Gorges Dam Project.) China’s railroads were Liu’s private fiefdom, and he was rewarded politically for pushing ahead with big plans through unilateral decision-making, earning the nickname “Great Leap Liu.”

关于加速发展中国的高速铁路网的问题在内部酝酿了多年,但是从来没有进行过适当的听证。由前任铁道部部长刘志军(今年二月因贪污而被监禁)领导,部分政府官员托管了大量的资源,而且不用经过公开的监察。(北京至上海高速铁路的大体预算超过三峡工程的全部预算)中国的铁路成了刘的私人领地,他的单方面决策通过的大计划,也为他赢得了政治上的奖赏,他因此还得了“大跃进刘”的绰号。

Dominating resources of both power and money, Liu monopolized the debate among would-be experts. Dissenting voices, like that of Zhao Jian, a professor at the Economy Management Institute of Beijing Transportation University, were elbowed aside. In an interview published on the eve of the Wenzhou tragedy, Zhao told a magazine in southern China that his university president had discouraged him from criticizing high-speed rail development because it might hinder the school’s ability to secure research grants.

占据权力和金钱两大优势的刘,在自称为专家的人中垄断了争论。异议的声音,例如北方交通大学经济学院的教授赵健被挤到了一边。在出版于温州灾难前夕的一次访谈中,赵告诉中国南方的杂志,他的大学里的校长劝阻他不要批评高铁的发展,因为这将会阻碍学校获得固定的研究经费的能力。

Until this month, Chinese media were almost entirely complicit, trumpeting high-speed rail as a glorious enterprise reflecting the prestige of the Chinese Communist Party. No matter that the cost of tickets placed it out of reach for the vast majority of Chinese.

直到这个月,中国媒体几乎异口同声的称赞高铁是光荣的事业,展现了中国共产党的声望。尽管绝大多数中国人买不起车票。

Last December, the party’s flagship People’s Daily newspaper ran a front-page story valorizing an ordinary train driver who had been given a “dead order” from superiors back in 2008 to master a new high-speed train in just 10 days, against the judgment of a German trainer who said trainees needed at least two months. With all the high foolishness of state propaganda, the article relished the fact that the odds were stacked against the trainees and the fact that there was “no room for error.”

去年12月,人民日报登过一篇封面故事,描述一名普通的火车司机在2008年接到上司的“死命令”,要在短短的10天内学会操控新的高速火车,这有别于德国教练的判断力。他说,受训的驾驶员至少需要2个月时间。从这篇文章荒唐可笑的国家宣传中,能够口味出的事实是,驾驶员“没有犯错误的余地”。

The “great leap” culture that Liu Zhijun epitomized is the way things operate across China, from county towns bursting with development all the way up to the top. Party and government officials are accountable only to superiors with whom they hope to score expedient political points. The legitimate concerns of citizens are routinely ignored.

以刘志军的操作方式为缩影的“大跃进”文化,从小城镇到大城市的发展全都贯穿着这一方式。党和政府官员只对上级负责,他们希望获得政治上的加分。公民合法问题通常被忽略了。

Chinese people have pleaded with their leaders to slow down and prioritize the quality of development. “China, please slow your soaring steps forward,” one social media user wrote. “Wait for your people … wait for your conscience! We don’t want derailed trains, or collapsing bridges, or roads that slide into pits. We don’t want our homes to become death traps. Move more slowly. Let every life have freedom and dignity.”

中国老百姓恳求他们的领导放慢发展速度并优先发展品质。“中国,请放慢你飞奔的脚步,”一个社交网站的用户写道:“等等你的人民……等等你的良心!我们不希望火车出轨,或者桥梁垮塌,或者滑到坑里。我们不希望自己的家变成死亡陷阱。再慢一点,让每条生命都有自由和尊严。”

China’s leaders must recognize that the political culture of expediency and secrecy is the root cause of this and other tragedies, from food and mine safety to violent property demolition. Political reform is needed to empower Chinese citizens to monitor the government and eliminate corruption and mismanagement. Reform is the only way to enable real and sustained accountability.

中国的领导们必须意识到,权宜政治文化和秘密是造成这个灾难和其他悲剧的根本原因,从食品和矿山的安全到暴力拆迁,概莫能外。政治改革需要授权给公民,让他们监督政府,拆除腐败和管理不当。改革是唯一出路。

In the face of mounting public anger, the government is now dealing more seriously with the crisis. Prime Minister Wen Jiabao has visited the crash site, pledging to hold those responsible to account, and the government has ordered an “urgent overhaul” of the national railway system. But this urgency must not, yet again, become mere expediency, another high-speed solution to a crisis of public opinion.

面对上升中的公众怒火,政府现在更认真的对待批评。总理温家宝到了事故现场,保证对此负责,政府命令对国家的铁路系统进行“紧急检查”。但是这种紧急不应该,也再次变成另一个处理公众舆论危机的权宜之计。

中国人愤怒于被指称的掩盖高铁事故真相

26 7月

Chinese anger over alleged cover-up of high-speed rail crash

Authorities accused of muzzling media coverage after crash in Zhejiang province kills at least 38 people and injures 192

在浙江省的碰撞事故导致至少38人死亡、192人受伤后,当局被指控封锁媒体的报道

Chinese rail crash

China’s railways ministry has apologised for the high-speed train accident on 23 July near Wenzhou, Zhejiang province. Photograph: Str/AFP/Getty Images

Chinese authorities face growing public fury over the high-speed train crash that killed at least 38 people and injured 192, with the disposal of wreckage and attempts to control coverage of the incident prompting allegations of a cover-up.

中国当局处理导致至少38人死亡、192人受伤的火车撞车事故时,采取的处理残骸和控制新闻报道的作法,激起掩盖真相的指称,正面临着增长中的公众怒火。

The railways ministry has apologised for the collision in eastern Zhejiang province and announced an inquiry. Spokesman Wang Yongping added: “China‘s high-speed rail technology is up to date and up to standard, and we still have faith in it.”

铁道部为发生在东部浙江省的撞车事故道歉,并宣布进行调查。发言人王永平补充说:“中国的高铁技术是先进的和达标的,我们仍然对此充满信心。”

Internet users attacked the government’s response to the disaster after authorities muzzled media coverage and urged reporters to focus on rescue efforts. “We have the right to know the truth!” wrote one microblogger called kangfu xiaodingdang. “That’s our basic right!”

在当局封锁媒体报道并建议记者关注救援努力后,网民抨击政府对于灾难做出的反应。“我们有权知道真相!”网名为康夫小叮当的人在微博上写道。“这是我们的基本权力!”

Leaked propaganda directives ordered journalists not to investigate the causes and footage emerged of bulldozers shovelling dirt over carriages.

泄露的宣传部文件命令记者不要调查事故原因,同时,推土机掩埋车厢的画面出现在网上。

Wang, the railways spokesman, said no one could or would bury the story. He said a colleague told him the wreckage was needed to fill in a muddy ditch to make rescue efforts easier.

铁道部发言人王永平说,没有人能够或企图埋葬真相。他说,一个同事告诉他,这节车厢的残骸需要放到挖掘的沟里以便使救援努力更为容易。

But Hong Kong University’s China Media Project said propaganda authorities have ordered media not to send reporters to the scene, not to report too frequently and not to link the story to high-speed rail development. “There must be no seeking after the causes [of the accident], rather, statements from authoritative departments must be followed,” said one directive. Another ordered: “No calling into doubt, no development [of further issues], no speculation, and no dissemination [of such things] on personal microblogs!”

但是,香港大学中国传媒研究说,宣传部门命令媒体不要派记者去现场,不要太频繁的进行报道,不要将这起事故与高铁的发展联系起来。“不要自己探究事故原因,必须跟随权威部门的说法。”其中一条命令说。其他的命令诸如:“不要在电话中谈论疑问,不要引申(进一步的问题),不要推测,不要在私人微博上散播(此类消息)!”

Officials also ordered more coverage of “extremely moving” stories, such as blood donations, and said the overall theme should be “great love in the face of great disaster”.

官员也命令更多的报道“动人”的故事,例如献血站,说总的主题应该是“以大爱面对大灾”。

Beijing sees high-speed rail as a matter of national prestige, highlighting China’s development, but critics appear to see the disaster as symptomatic of the country’s problems. Internet users repeatedly described the crash as a man-made, not a natural disaster, and blamed officials.

北京将高铁视为关系到国家声望的大事,标志着中国的发展,但是,批评者却似乎将这次事故当成了国家重多问题的征兆。网民不断将这次事故描述为人为错误,而非天灾,怪罪于官员。

“When a country is so corrupt that one lightning strike can cause a train crash … none of us is exempt. China today is a train rushing through a lightning storm … we are all passengers,” ran one of the most frequently forwarded comments on the Twitter-like Sina Weibo service.

“当一个国家如此腐败的时候,一个闪电就能够造成火车撞车……没有人能例外。今天的中国就是一列高速穿行于闪电雷鸣中的列车……我们都是乘客。”推特上被频繁转发的一条评论这样说。

The breakneck pace of the massive project had already caused safety concerns. In just a few years Beijing has constructed the world’s largest high-speed network, with 10,500 miles completed or under construction.

重大项目的惊人建设速度已经引起对其安全的关注。在短短的几年中,北京构建了世界上最大的高速铁路网络,10500英里已经完成或正在建设中。

“Overly rapid development has caused safety issues. This is the result of the irrational behaviour of the former leadership of the ministry of railways,” said Professor Zhao Jian, a prominent critic of high-speed rail at Beijing Jiaotong University.

“过于快速的发展导致了安全问题。这就是前铁道部领导层不理性行为的恶果。”著名的高铁批评者,北京交通大学教授赵健说。

The former railways minister Liu Zhijun, one of the project’s keenest champions, was sacked in February for “serious disciplinary violations” – a phrase usually indicating corruption allegations.

前铁道部长刘志军,就是这个项目的积极倡导者,他在二月份因为“严重违规”而被撤职——这类说法通常指的是腐败行为。

Six carriages were derailed and four of those plunged 20 to 30 metres from a viaduct in Saturday’s crash, when a train stalled after being struck by lightning and was rammed by another one behind it. State media said the power failure knocked out an electronic safety system that should have alerted the second train to the problem.

星期六,一列火车因为雷击而失速,被另外一辆跟在后面的火车追撞,事故造成6节车厢脱轨,其中4节掉到20至30米高的桥下。官方媒体说,电力故障导致电子安全系统失灵,使得本来应该向后车发出的警告未能实现。

Zhao said the trains should have been equipped with an automatic braking system and that dispatchers should also have been able to halt the second vehicle.

铁道部发言人赵永平说,这些火车都装备有自动刹车系统,调度员也应该能够让第二列火车停下来。

Chinese media had already highlighted the problem of lightning strikes after they halted several other trains earlier this month – including on the recently opened Beijing-Shanghai link.

月初的时候,在一些其他列车因此而停顿后,中国媒体已经专门谈论过雷击的问题——包括最近才开始运营的北京至上海的线路。

The state-run English language Global Times newspaper said the accident should be “a bloody lesson for the entire railway industry in China”, but said the crash should lead to “safer, not slower, railway transportation”.

官方的英文报纸环球时报说,这次事故应该成为“整个中国的铁路运输业的血的一课”,但是说,撞车应该导致更为重视“安全,而不是减慢铁路运输的速度。”

The Zhejiang crash involved the first-generation high-speed trains, launched four years ago, which have a top speed of 155 mph. The former railways minister said newer trains would travel at 217mph, but after his ousting that was cut to 186mph amid safety and financial concerns.

这次浙江撞车事故涉及的是第一代高铁列车,4年前开始运营,最高时速155英里。前铁道部长说,新的列车能够以217英里时速运营,但是他代之以减速到186英里运营,既安全也经济。

China’s railway system has been regarded as having a generally good safety record, although 72 people died in 2008 when an express train from Beijing to Qingdao derailed.

中国的铁路系统享有公认的良好的安全记录,虽然,2008年发生过北京至青岛的特快列车出轨事故,导致72人死亡。

艾未未的姐姐透露他被关押时的详细资料

16 7月

Ai Weiwei’s sister gives details of his confinement

 
 

 

By , Published: July 14

 

SHANGHAI — Ai Weiwei, a dissident artist who was released last month after spending 81 days in a Beijing jail on tax evasion charges, spent his days of confinement in a tiny room with only a bed for furniture and two police officers who monitored his every movement, even standing next to him in the shower, his sister said Thursday.

上海——上个月被释放的异议艺术家艾未未,因为逃税指控而在北京的监狱中渡过了81天。他被关在一间狭小的房间中,只有一张床,以及两名日夜看守的警察。甚至在他淋浴时,警察都站在他身边。艾未未的姐姐星期四向外界透露这些详情。

For exercise, Ai paced in the small room, only six floor tiles long, but he estimates he walked the equivalent of 600 miles and lost about 30 pounds. As he paced, the two officers walked behind him, said his older sister, Gao Ge. The room had one covered window.

 做为锻炼,艾未未在这个只有六块瓷砖长的小房间中散步,据他估计,大概走了600英里,掉了30磅体重。她姐姐说,在他散步时,两名警察也跟在后面。这个房间有一扇封闭的窗户。

 

 
Ai, one of China’s leading contemporary artists, was among dozens of activists — human rights lawyers, bloggers and others — detained this year after anonymous Internet calls for a Middle East-style “jasmine revolution” against China’s ruling Communist Party. His arrest touched off an international firestorm of criticism, although Chinese officials denied that foreign pressure played a role in his release.
著名的当代艺术家艾未未,是今年有人在网上呼吁进行反抗共产党统治的中东风格的“茉莉花革命”之后,被捕的数十名活动家(人权律师、博客作者以及其他人)中的一位。他的被捕引发了国际社会的猛烈批评,尽管如此,中国官方否认他的释放是迫于外国的压力。

Since he was freed, the normally outspoken Ai has been prohibited from speaking publicly or giving interviews, his Twitter account has remained dormant and he requires permission to leave his Beijing home, including to visit his mother’s house. Gao’s account provided the first details of what happened to Ai during his detention, when he was allowed only one visit with his wife.

从他被释放起,这位一向敢言的艺术家被禁止公开谈话或者接受采访,他的推特帐户仍然处在休眠状态,他必须经过许可才能离开家,包括探望母亲。高阁的解释第一次提供了艾未未被关押情形的详细资料,这期间,他只被允许和夫人见过一次面。

Gao spoke just before Ai’s wife, Lu Qing, and his attorneys appeared Thursday at the Beijing Taxation Bureau to challenge charges that Ai owes $1.8 million in back taxes and fines for a design company he is said to control, called Beijing Fake Cultural Development Ltd. Lu is the company’s legal representative.

高阁的这番话正好说在艾未未的夫人和他的律师星期四出席北京税务局的听证会之前。他们质疑北京税务局对于据称是艾未未实际控制的设计公司:北京发课文化发展公司逃税及处罚1800万的指控。路青是该公司的法人代表。

The closed-door hearing, which lasted three hours, did not resolve the dispute. Afterward, Lu and Ai’s attorney, Xia Lin, said the process was unfair because they were not allowed access to documents that the government said had been seized during a raid of Ai’s studio.

持续了三个小时的闭门听证会,没有解决争执。随后,路青和艾未未的律师夏林说,听证的过程有失公平,因为他们无权接触那些在政府对艾的工作室突击搜查期间收走的文件。

“We could not really defend ourselves,” Xia said in an interview after the morning session. “I protested twice in the hearing for it not being open and for their not returning our documents.” He said the authorities showed only what they said were photocopies of the original documents, and he could not tell whether they were legitimate or had been doctored.

“我们真的无法为自己辩护。”夏林在后来的采访中说,“在听证会期间,我对不公开听证和不返还我们的文件提出了抗议。”他说,当局出示的只是原始文件的复印件,他无法判断他们是否合法或者是经过伪造。

Ai’s sister, Gao, said her brother was innocent of tax evasion and was not involved with the company. She said he had signed a statement accepting responsibility and agreeing to bail only because he was worried that his wife would be targeted.

艾未未的姐姐高阁说,她弟弟对于逃税指控是无辜的,他没有涉及公司的财务。她说,他之所以签下承担责任的声明以同意假释,仅仅是因为他担心自己的夫人会成为目标。

Gao said that during his time in jail, Ai was not tortured and was given food and allowed to take his medications regularly. But, she said, the conditions of his detention constituted psychological pressure.

高阁说,在监禁期间,艾未未没有被拷打,有食品供给并且允许他定期服药。但是,监禁条件对他的精神构成了压力。

“The room light was on 24 hours every day,” she said. “The only furniture in the room was a bed. Except for the bed, there was nothing else in the room, no chair, no desk. They didn’t offer Ai anything— no book, no newspaper, no TV, no radio, not even a piece of paper or a pen.”

“这间屋子每天24小时开着灯。”她说,“房间里唯一的家具就是一张床。除了床之外,什么也没有,没有椅子,没有桌子。他们不给艾未未任何东西——没有书,没有报纸,没有电视,没有收音机,甚至没有一张纸或一只笔。”

Gao said the two guards watched him constantly, never speaking; the officers changed shifts every three hours.

高说,两名警卫不停的看守着他,从不说话;他们三小时换一次班。

“They stared at him without ever moving their eyes,” she said, adding that they stood close by even while he used the toilet. “And when he took a shower, they just stood right next to him, even though they were getting totally wet.

“他们目不转睛的盯着他。”她说,甚至连上厕所时也站在一旁。“当他淋浴时,他们就紧挨着他,即使全身都湿透了。”

“Can you imagine the feeling of having four eyes always on you, no matter what you do?” Gao said. “If you lie down and go to sleep, they just stand at the side of the bed and look at you without a blink of the eye. When he had a walk in the room, they also followed him. These measures were designed to destroy people’s minds,” she said.

“你能想像那种感觉吗,无论你做什么,总有四只眼睛永远盯着你?”高阁说,“如果你躺下睡觉,他们就在站在你的床边,不眨眼的盯着你。当他在房间里散步时,他们也跟着他。这些做法是被策划用来摧毁人们的精神的。”她说。

Ai’s relatives and supporters said he has been in good health since he was released on bail June 22 and spends most of his days with his son. He is said to be delving back into his creative work, having been inspired by his confinement.

艾未未的亲戚和支持者们说,他自从6月22日被假释以来,健康状况良好,大部分的时间都和儿子一起渡过。据说,受到监禁经历的影响,他在艺术创作中有了新的灵感。

“Ai Weiwei is all fine now,” Lu said. “His health is good, and his mood is okay. It’s really been a unique experience for him.”

“艾未未现在很好。”路青说,“他的健康很好,他的情绪也不错。对他来说,这真是独特的经历。”

“As you know, as an artist, he always has a lot of ideas,” Lu said. “He is working on those ideas now. He stays at home, visits friends and receives visiting friends nowadays.”

“如你所知,做为一名艺术家,他总是有许多灵感。”路青说,“他现在就在运用这些灵感从事创作。他呆在家里,访问朋友及接受朋友的探访。”

On Wednesday, Berlin’s University of the Arts said that it had offered Ai a position as a guest lecturer and that he had accepted. But with his passport confiscated, it was unclear whether he could take up the position. Before his April 3 arrest, Ai had announced plans to set up a studio in Germany because of the restrictions on artistic freedom in China.

星期三,柏林艺术大学说,他们为艾未未提供了一个客座教授的职位,并且,他也接受了。但是,因为他的护照被没收了,所以不太清楚他能否赴任。在他4月3日被捕之前,艾曾经宣布计划在德国开设工作室,因为中国限制艺术自由。

Gao said, “If the country is really not suitable for him to stay, we can’t exclude the possibility that our family will all leave the country. My only hope is that he won’t be thrown into prison again.”

高阁说:“如果这个国家真的不适合他居住了,我们不排除全家离开中国的可能性。我只希望他不会再被投入监狱。”

Researcher Zhang Jie in Beijing contributed to this report.

 

白灵披露关于中国军队的黑暗记忆

14 7月

Bai Ling Reveals Dark Memories of Chinese Army

Actress Bai Ling said she is confronting a dark chapter from her past: sexual abuse she suffered as a teenager at the hands of Chinese army officers.

演员白灵说,她正面对她过去生活中黑暗的一部分:在她十几岁的时候遭受到的军队官员的性虐待。

Bai, 44, who was a soldier in a People’s Liberation Army performance troupe from age 14 to 17, told The Associated Press in a recent interview that she was “opening a wound that was very secret to myself, that even my parents don’t know.”

现年44岁的白灵,在14至17岁的时候,曾是一名中国人民解放军文工团的成员。她在最近的一次采访中告诉美联社,“揭开的创伤,对于我来说非常秘密,甚至连我的父母都不知道。”

Therapy she received during a U.S. reality TV series helped her understand what she endured in the 1980s and the psychological marks it left on her, Bai said.

在美国现实电视台的一系列帮助下,她接受了治疗,明白了1980年代的忍受的痛苦及其在心理上留下的痕迹。

She was pressed to have sex with her superiors, with one encounter leading to pregnancy and an abortion under an assumed name, Bai said, adding that other women serving with her in Tibet were also forced into sex and regularly plied with alcohol.

她被迫和她的上级发生性关系,并且导致怀孕,然后匿名打胎。白灵补充说,其他女士向她提供消息说,在西藏也有强迫的性行为和定期的陪酒骚扰。

Bai stressed that she blames individual officers and not the Chinese government for events that have haunted her life and work.

白灵强调,她指责的是在她的生活和工作中纠缠她的个别领导,而非中国政府。

The actress (“The Crow,” ”Red Corner,” TV’s “Entourage”) said she worries about how her revelations on VH1’s “Celebrity Rehab With Dr. Drew” will be received. The show, which airs Sunday, is in its fifth season.

这位演员(作品包括“乌鸦”,“红色角落”和电视剧“环境”)说,她担心在VH1的“名誉恢复”中坦露这些经历会收到什么反响。这个节目星期天播出,已经是第五季了。

“The only comfort is that I’m using this platform to help others. I know that my story is so powerful and honest and so simple,” Bai said. “Even if I can help one child and make them feel they haven’t been forgotten, that’s the only comfort I have.”

“唯一的安慰是,我是在运用这个平台帮助别人。我知道我的故事如此震撼、诚实和天真。”白说,“即使我能帮助一个孩子,使他们觉得自己没有被忘记,我就满足了。”

Bai “did go through something terrible and was able to access it and deal with it,” said Dr. John Sharp, part of the “Celebrity Rehab” treatment team this season. He is a faculty member at Harvard Medical School and a practicing psychiatrist.

白灵“回顾了一些可怕的事情,并且能够面对它,处理它。”夏普医生说,他是这一季“名誉恢复”节目的治疗团队成员之一。他本身是哈佛医学院的教师,并且是执业的精神病学医生。

She had deflected memories of “these men who were sexually abusing her” so she wouldn’t fall apart psychologically, Sharp said. “But when she got in to a safe place … she was able to admit to herself what she’d been dealing with.”

她转移了“这些性虐待她的男人”的记忆,所以,她不会产生心理崩溃。夏普说,“但是,当她进入了一个安全的地方……她能够承认,自己一直在处理。”

Until now, Bai said, she didn’t even perceive her treatment by her army superiors as abuse: “Because of the Chinese culture of obedience, you don’t ask questions. … You follow and obey.”

直到现在,白灵说,她甚至没有意识到她的军队上级对她的虐待:“因为中国文化要求顺从,你不能提问……你只有跟随和服从。”

A Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokeswoman in Beijing said the government had “not heard of this report. This is not within our scope to comment.” A call to the Ministry of National Defense was not immediately answered.

在北京,一名外交部女发言人说,当局“没有听到这个报告。这不在我们评论的范围之内。”打给国防部的电话,没有立即得到响应。

Her career and life have suffered because of the unaddressed torment of her army experience, she said. The actress has become known for eyebrow-raising remarks (she claims she is from the moon), a 2008 shoplifting allegation and wild, alcohol-fueled behavior — including flashes of nudity — that has made her a paparazzi target.

她说,她的职业和生活都因为这段无法言说的痛苦的军队经历而受到了影响。这位女演员因为出格的言论(声称自己来自月亮),2008年声称入店偷窃,以及疯狂的酒后举动——包括突然的裸露——等行为而引人注目,并使其成为狗仔队追逐的目标。

Anyone who has a drug or alcohol problem “was abused in some way and trying to hide,” said Bai, who is writing a book about her youth, “Naked in Tibet.”

白灵说,任何有吸毒或酗酒问题的人都在某种程度上受到过虐待,并且试图隐瞒。她出版了一本关于她年轻时代的书,题为“在西藏裸露”。

She doesn’t consider herself an alcoholic, instead she contends she is allergic to even small amounts of drink. As she talked, Bai referred to herself with unguarded, sweepingly dramatic descriptions. At times, she was tearful.

她不认为自己是个酗酒者,并且争辩说她甚至喝一点酒就会过敏。她在谈话中坦诚的、彻底的、戏剧性的描述了自己。偶尔,她泪流满面。

“I accidentally or innocently destroyed the beautiful Bai Ling that everybody loved, that beautiful, talented actress. Instead, the media bring me out as this crazy slut showing her nipples everywhere,” she said. “I become this character the pop culture Hollywood machine created. Somehow, I become a victim to that image.”

“我意外的或者无辜的损坏了美丽的白灵,大家热爱的漂亮和聪明的女演员。与此相反,媒体把我变成了疯狂的荡妇,到处展示她的乳房。”她说,“我变成了具有好莱坞文化特征的机械创造的形象。不知因为什么,我成了这种形象的牺牲者。”

Bai said she decided to appear on “Celebrity Rehab” because of repeated entreaties by the show’s producers. Others featured in the latest edition include former baseball player Dwight Gooden and actress Sean Young.

白灵说,她决定出现在“名誉恢复”节目,是因为这个节目的制作人的再三恳求。在最新的版本中出现的其他重量级人物包括前棒球选手德怀特古登和女演员肖恩杨。

Within a three-month period this year, onetime participants “Grease” star Jeff Conaway and ex-Alice in Chains bassist Mike Starr died, putting the show under a cloud. Host Drew Pinsky blamed Conaway’s death on doctors’ over-prescription of pain pills.

在今年的3个月的周期内,从前的节目参与者,演过“油脂”的明星Jeff Conaway和前Alice in Chains 低音歌手Mike Starr 的死亡,使这个节目蒙上阴影。主持人宾斯基指责Conaway的死与医生的止痛药方有关。

Bai said she appreciates the help she received through the show yet is “terrified” of public reaction to her candor. She’s not drinking, Bai said, but is still struggling emotionally.

白灵说,她感激得到的帮助,通过这个节目她还是对公众对她的坦白反应感到恐惧。她没有喝酒,但是仍然处于感情上的挣扎中。

Her solace, she said, is that her story might “touch people’s hearts” and help others.

她说,如果她的故事可以触动人们的心灵并且对其他人有所帮助,她就会感到安慰了。

———

Associated Press writer Chi-Chi Zhang contributed to this report from Beijing.

中国刚投入使用两天的公路发生垮塌

11 7月

Chinese motorway collapses after just two days

A Chinese motorway has collapsed just two days after it opened, causing the deaths of two people, after builders were ordered to rush the project so it could be unveiled for the 90th birthday of the Communist party.

中国一条投入使用仅两天的快速公路发生垮塌,造成2人死亡。在此之前,此项目被当成向共产党90岁生日献礼的工程,建设者被要求加快施工速度。

Chinese motorway collapses after just two days

 
Image 1 of 2
Part of the collapsed motorway in China Photo: CEN
A policeman patrols under a giant communist emblem on the Tiananmen Square

 
Image 1 of 2
A policeman patrols under a giant communist emblem on the Tiananmen Square Photo: GETTY
 
 
 

By Malcolm Moore, in Shanghai

11:38AM BST 11 Jul 2011

 

The 57-mile-long Xinsan motorway, through the mountains of Yunnan, was supposed to be a perfect example of how the Communist party has rolled out pristine infrastructure to even the most remote areas of China, creating economic prosperity.

穿过云南的大山的57英里长的新三公路,被认为是共产党建设边远地区基础交通设施,发展经济的完美样本。

Despite warnings from the construction team in charge of the project, it was included in the list of “glory projects” to be unveiled for the party’s 90th anniversary on July 1.

不顾该项目施工队的警告,这条公路的建设被列入了7月1日向党的90周年献礼的“光荣项目”。

Huge banners were slung on the cliffs above the road, reminding its builders: “Work hard, work quickly, we have 60 days left”.

巨大的标语悬挂在公路上方的悬崖上,提醒它的建设者:“努力工作,高效工作,我们只剩60天了。”

According to the Chinese media, party chiefs in Beijing warned the local government that if the motorway was not finished on time, its 2 billion yuan (£194 million) cost would have to come out of local, rather than central, coffers.

根据中国媒体报道,北京的领导警告当地政府,如果这条路不能按时完工,20亿的施工费用将由当地政府自己解决,中央不再提供支持。

However, two days after the road opened for trials, heavy storms crumbled the red earth underneath it and washed a section into the valley below, killing two and injuring two more.

 然而,在这条路试运行两天后,暴风雨冲跨了路基下面的地壤,使部分路面滑入下面的山谷,致2人死亡,多人受伤。

这条公路只是众多赶工期的项目中的一个。

The 820-mile Beijing-to-Shanghai high-speed railway, open to the public for only eleven days, yesterday (SUN) saw trains stalled for two hours after an electrical failure.

820英里长的北京至上海的高速铁路,对公众开放仅11天,昨天因为电器故障而被耽搁了两小时。

Meanwhile, at Nanjing South railway station, workmen have fenced off huge areas of the station platform for repairs. Outside, workers have smashed thousands of granite floor tiles put on show for the station’s opening ceremony and are now repaving the whole area. An official said the tiles had been temporary to get the station looking finished for July 1.

同时,在南京南站,工人围起了部分站台进行修理。在外面,工人敲碎了为庆祝投入运营而铺的花岗岩地板砖,对这一区域进行重铺。一名官员说,这些地板砖是暂时铺设的,为的是使车站在7月1日看起来像是完工了。

In the northern city of Qingdao, engineers have resumed work on the world’s longest sea bridge to fit it with the safety barriers and lighting that were not quite done when it was opened to the public, with some fanfare, ahead of the anniversary.

在北方城市青岛,工程师们已经恢复了对最长的跨海大桥的安装护栏和照明设备的工作。这些工作在庆典前为了炫耀而向公众开放时,还没有完成。

 

一幅重逢的画卷搅动中国和台湾的深思

6 7月
Taipei Journal

A Reunified Painting Stirs Big Thoughts in China and Taiwan

Shiho Fukada for The New York Times

The ancient painting “Dwelling in the Fuchun Mountains” is now on display at the National Palace Museum in Taipei, Taiwan.

古画“富春山居图”现正在台湾台北故宫博物馆展出。

By
Published: July 6, 2011

TAIPEI, Taiwan — Wu Hongyu, a wealthy Ming Dynasty art collector, was evidently not fond of sharing, given his deathbed command to burn his most beloved painting, “Dwelling in the Fuchun Mountains.” Fortunately, a nephew snatched the scroll from the funeral pyre that day in 1650, but not before flames split the work in two.

台湾,台北——明代富有的艺术收藏家吴洪裕,显然不愿意与别人共享,留下遗嘱要将他最喜爱的“富春山居图”烧毁。幸运的是,他的一个侄子从他的葬礼上抢出了这幅画卷,但是此时这幅画已经被烧成了两截。这是1650年的事。

During the three and a half centuries since then, the two sections were kept apart by greed, civil war and the vicissitudes of geopolitical gamesmanship. The smaller piece, just 20 inches across, found its way to a provincial museum in Communist-ruled China. The more imposing 21-foot-long section ended up on Taiwan, the island where the retreating Chinese Nationalists — and boatloads of treasures from Beijing’s imperial palace — ended up after they lost the civil war in 1949.

从那时起,经历了3个半世纪,这幅画的两部分由于充满私欲的内战和地缘政治的变迁而分离。小的一片,只有20英寸宽,收藏在共产主义统治下的中国的省博级物馆中。更为壮观的21英尺长的那部分落脚在台湾。在1949年内战失利后,撤退的民族主义者用船将北京皇城中的珍宝运到了这座岛上。

If the story of “Fuchun Mountains” is richly symbolic of China’s tumultuous history and its six-decade estrangement from Taiwan, then the painting’s reunification last month at the National Palace Museum here in the Taiwanese capital is a made-to-order metaphor for the reconciliation that Communist Party leaders have long imagined for what they deem a breakaway province.

如果这个“富春山”的故事是中国动荡历史的丰富象征,在60年的分离之后,上个月在台湾的首都台北故宫博物院重新复合的这幅画,可以说是专为和解定制的隐喻,共产党的领导们长期以来都把台湾想像成一个叛逃的省份。

“If the painting can be brought together, so can our people,” Prime Minister Wen Jiabao of China said last year upon learning that both China and Taiwan, still formally at war, had agreed to the joint showing of a work that experts have ranked as among the 10 most important Chinese paintings. Begun in 1347 by Huang Gongwang, the impressionistic ink rendering of rolling peaks and rural settlements was so influential to generations of landscape painters that it spawned dozens of copies and forgeries.

“如果这幅画能够重新复合,那么,我们的人民也可以。”中国总理温家宝去年在知道了这件事情后说。仍没有正式结束战争的中国和台湾,同意联合展出这幅专家认为的中国最重要的十幅画作之一。这幅画由黄公望在1347年开始创作,令人印象深刻的墨水渲染出的起伏的山峰和民居,影响了后世的山水画家,导致了许多复制品和伪作的产生。

The exhibition, titled “Landscape Reunited,” has been added to the list of notable firsts that have followed the 2008 election of Taiwan’s president, Ma Ying-jeou, who has sought closer ties to the mainland — a marked contrast to the sometimes antagonistic impulses of his predecessor, Chen Shui-bian, who even turned down an olive branch in the form of giant pandas.

这幅被题为“重聚的山水”的展品,已经被列为2008年马英九当选台湾总统之后,第一次被关注的重大事件。马寻求与大陆改善关系,与他的前任有时加深敌对的作法形成鲜明对比。他的前任陈水扁拒绝了大陆的大熊猫形式的橄榄枝。

Since Mr. Ma’s inauguration, a raft of breakthrough agreements between Taiwan and China have yielded a pair of pandas for the Taipei Zoo; the opening of direct shipping, postal and air links; and an arrangement that last year allowed 1.2 million mainland tourists to visit — and spend money — on the island. Another landmark came last week: the first planeload of individual Chinese tourists who will be allowed to roam Taiwan unsupervised.

自从马先生就职开始,台湾和中国之间有关大熊猫、三通,以及去年允许1200万大陆游客访问台湾等大量的突破性协议得以产生。另一个里程碑在上星期到来:第一架载着中国游客的飞机到达台湾,他们将被允许在台湾不受限制的旅行(自由行)。

Increased cultural and economic ties have pleased many Taiwanese business leaders but have also stoked anxiety among those who view such inducements as an attempt to ensnare Taiwan into China’s increasingly domineering economic orbit. Tso Chen-dong, a professor of political science at National Taiwan University, said many people here could not help being skeptical of Beijing’s newfound largess. “Will tighter economic links bring more understanding between the two?” he asked. “Or will Beijing gain more control over both Taiwan’s economy and politics? It remains unclear at this moment.”

增长的文化和经济合作受到许多台湾商界领袖的欢迎,但是也引发了疑虑,担心这些会诱使台湾进入中国日益专横的经济势力控制范围。台湾大学政治学教授Tso Chen-dong说,这儿的许多人禁不住怀疑北京的新礼物。“更加紧密的经济联系会带来双方之间的更多的理解吗?”他问道,“或者,北京能够获得对台湾经济和政治的更多控制?现在还不太清楚。”

For now, détente has its limits, especially when it comes to art. Although the Palace Museum in Beijing — where “Fuchun Mountains” was displayed before the Nationalists carted it away — lent its Taiwanese counterpart 12 items for the exhibit, the curators in Taipei have been less obliging. During two years of negotiations, museum officials here insisted that they could not lend their portion of the scroll, nor any of the other 700,000 works in their collection, until Beijing enacted a legally binding guarantee against seizure. “It wasn’t even up for discussion,” said Chou Kung-shin, the director of the National Palace Museum.

现在,改善遇到了瓶颈,尤其是当其涉及艺术领域时。尽管1949年前曾经展出过“富春山”的北京的故宫博物院供给台湾同行12件展品,但是台北的监管者并不觉得没有受到限制。在两年的谈判中,博物馆的官员坚持他们不能将部分的“富春山居图”,以及他们收藏的700000件艺术品中的任何一件借给台湾,直到北京制定了具有法律效力的抵押担保。“这甚至不能经过讨论。”台北故宫博物院的院长周功鑫说。

Chen Hao, the director of the Zhejiang Provincial Museum in Hangzhou, which has owned the smaller slice of the scroll since 1956, said he found the loan arrangement somewhat unsatisfying. “I think our museum should have the right to display the whole painting as well,” he said. “If we truly cannot resolve this between our two museums, I hope our governments will be able to tackle the problem.”

从1956年起就一直拥有小片“富春山居图”的杭州的浙江博物馆馆长陈浩说,他觉得这个出借安排有点不能令人满意。“我觉得我们博物馆也有权利展览整幅画卷。”他说,“如果我们两个博物馆之间真的不能决定这件事,我希望政府能够处理这个问题。”

Although the two governments have larger issues over which to tussle — including the likely sale of American F-16 fighter jets to Taipei or what to do about those 1,000 or so Chinese missiles pointed across the Taiwan Strait — the role of disputed antiquities in the relationship cannot be overstated.

然而,两个政府之间有大量的问题要解决,包括可能出售给台湾的美国F16战斗机,或者,瞄准海峡对岸的1000枚中国的导弹到底要干什么等等,这些是关于古代艺术品的争执所不能取代的。

It helps to know that nearly the entire contents of the National Palace Museum in Taipei were brought here from China by Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist forces at the end of the civil war. The journey of one million items of porcelain, calligraphy, carved jade and glazed pottery, which lasted 16 years and covered 6,000 miles, is one of the most extraordinary dramas of modern Chinese history.

台北故宫博物院几乎所有的藏品,都是在内战结束的时候,被蒋介石的军队从中国带到台湾的,知道这些有利对事情的了解。这一百万件瓷器、书法、玉器和陶器,经历了历时16年,横跨6000英里的旅行,是中国现代史上最为戏剧性的一幕。

The contents of the imperial palace museum were originally carted off in 1933, just ahead of Japanese soldiers bound for Beijing, but the Nationalists kept the relics on the run from Mao Zedong’s Communist forces during four years of civil war before the best pieces were shipped across the strait. “Fortune was with us; not so much as a teacup was broken,” Han Lih-wu, a Taiwanese ambassador who helped move the collection, once told The New York Times. (A few thousand crates of less illustrious treasures were left on a dock in Nanjing.)

这些故宫博物院的藏品,最初在1933年日本军队开进北京前被装箱运走,但是,在四年内战期间,蒋介石载着这些藏品躲避共产党的军队,后来,这些藏品被用船运到了海峡对岸的台湾。“对我们来说太幸运了,甚至没有一件茶杯被打破。”帮助运送这些收藏品的台湾大使Han Lih-wu曾经告诉纽约时报。(数千件装着不太有名的珍宝的箱子被留在了南京。)

Even though Mao maintained a profound disdain toward China’s antiquities, he still kept the imperial collection safe even as he encouraged Red Guards to smash and burn much of China’s ancient patrimony.

尽管毛泽东一直蔑视中国的古代文化,甚至鼓励红卫兵砸碎和烧毁很多中国古代的遗产,但他仍然保持了这些皇家收藏品的安全。

“Throughout Chinese history, cultural relics have symbolized legitimacy and sovereignty,” said Ho Chuan-hsing, chief curator in the department of painting and calligraphy at the National Palace Museum. “If you possessed these treasures, you had the right to rule. As you can see, not much has changed.”

“贯穿中国历史,文化遗产是正统和主权的象征。”故宫博物院书画部总监Ho Chuan-hsing说,“如果你拥有这些珍宝,你就有统治权。正如你看到的,没有多少改变。”

Mainland officials have recently toned down their demands for the return of what they consider to be stolen goods, but the state-run media still insist on placing quotation marks around National Palace Museum as if to question its existence.

大陆官方最近降低了要求归还他们认为的被偷走的珍宝的呼声,但是官方媒体仍然坚持对台湾的故宫博物院加上引号,就像怀疑它是否存在一样。

For now, museum officials in Taipei are savoring what they describe as their King Tut moment — a reference to the blockbuster exhibit of Egyptian antiquities in the 1970s that drew record crowds to cultural institutions in Europe and the United States.

现在,台北的博物馆尝到了被描述为图特王时刻的滋味——提及的是1970年代的轰动一时的埃及古文明的展览,创纪录的吸引了欧洲和美国的大批参观者。

On most days, as many as 10,000 people line up to view the reunited scroll, as well as some of the more notable copies, including one that fooled Qianlong, the Qing Dynasty emperor who fancied himself a learned art connoisseur.

大多数时候,有多达10000人在排队参观重合的画卷,另外一些重要的复制品也吸引了同样多的人群,包括一幅骗过了清代皇帝乾隆的作品。乾隆自认为是博学的艺术鉴赏家。

Wang Rongcui, a tourist from the Chinese city of Ordos in Inner Mongolia, was among those who recently spent a half-hour waiting for a glimpse of Huang Gongwang’s masterpiece. Asked about the political significance of the exhibit, Ms. Wang shrugged. “Oh, I don’t know anything about politics or this arty stuff, but it sure does look nice,” she said.

来自中国内蒙古城市鄂尔多斯的游客王荣翠,最近用了半小时的时间排队,等待一窥黄公望的杰作。问及这些展品的的政治意义,王女士耸了耸肩膀:“哎,我不知道任何政治和艺术的东西,但是它确实看起来很棒。”

中国不能失去毛主席

2 7月

China can’t let go of Chairman Mao

As the ruling Chinese Communist Party marks its 90th birthday, Peter Foster reports from the megacity of Chongqing.

正当中国共产党纪念它的90岁生日之际,彼得福斯特从重庆发来报道。

China can't let go of Chairman Mao

Plenty to eat now: customers at the Red Leader Hot Pot Restaurant Photo: ADAM DEAN
 
Peter Foster

By Peter Foster

8:07PM BST 30 Jun 2011

Comments54 Comments

 

It might seem odd that a man responsible for the starvation of more than 30 million people could be chosen to promote a restaurant, but there is no mistaking the avuncular features of Mao Zedong staring from the portrait above the entrance to the “Red Leader” Hot Pot eatery.

说起来奇怪,一个对饿死3000多万人负有责任的人,却被用来宣传餐馆的生意,但是,这并没有搞错,毛泽东慈祥的画像就悬挂在“红色领袖”火锅店的入口处。

“Comrades! Welcome Comrades!” breezes a pretty hostess dressed up as one of Chairman Mao’s Red Guards, complete with armband and Mao lapel badge.

“同志们!欢迎同志们!”穿着一身红卫兵制服,戴着红袖章和毛的像章的漂亮的女主人迎了过来。

She is, of course, far too young to remember the Cultural Revolution, the Mao-inspired political civil war of 1966-1976 that tore her parents’ generation apart. Back then “comrade” was the standard form of address; today it is only used by young Chinese as slang for “gay”.

当然,她太年轻了,无法记得文革,那是一场毛在1966至1976年间发动的撕裂了她父辈生活的群众运动。“同志”这一当年的标准称呼,今天只被中国的年轻人用来称呼“同性恋”。

Welcome, then, to China 2011: a country of such abiding contradictions that the ruling Communist Party’s darkest moment can be the subject of a vapid theme-restaurant, even as a battle rages between conservatives and reformers over the country’s political direction.

那么,欢迎你,2011年的中国:一个如此长期矛盾的国家,共产党统治中最为黑暗的时刻,可以成为一个乏味的主题餐厅的主题,甚至可以是为保守派和改革者之间对于国家政治方向的愤怒交锋。

Today the party that Mao brought to power will mark its 90th birthday, celebrating its founding by a small group of revolutionaries in Shanghai in 1921 with an outpouring of “Red” propaganda. Groups of party faithful will gather to sing “Red” songs; cinemas will show the state’s latest star-studded propaganda epic, The Founding of a Party, while newspapers and television stations will lionise the party’s achievements.

今天,这个在毛的带领下夺取政权的党,要纪念它的90周年生日了, 用铺天盖地的“红色”宣传,庆祝它在1921年的上海,由一个革命者的小群体正式建立。成群的党的忠诚者将聚在一起唱“红”歌;电影院将上映众星云集的宣传大作:建党大业,同时,报纸和电视台将颂扬党的丰功伟绩。

This revival of the cult of Mao finds its apogee in the steaming southern megacity of Chongqing, whose charismatic Communist Party leader, Bo Xilai, has mounted a campaign to paint the city “Red”. Party cadres have gathered to sing rousing old party songs, citizens have been bombarded with millions of text messages carrying selected Mao bon mots, and the city’s satellite television station broadcasts only improving red-themed programmes.

对毛的崇拜的复兴在南方城市重庆达到了最高潮,党委书记薄熙来,发动了一场将城市染“红”的运动。党员干部组织起来唱红歌,老百姓被数百万条精心挑选的由毛主席语录构成的短信轮番轰炸,附属的电视台只提供红色主题的节目。

It is difficult to know how seriously to take China’s red revival. Like the idea of a Cultural Revolution-themed restaurant – could the world imagine an Auschwitz Café? – to Western eyes the campaigns are almost beyond parody. It seems the young – when they are not waiting tables dressed as Red Guards – are either openly scornful or just plain uninterested.

很难知道中国的红色复兴会达到多么严重的程度。比如文革创意的主题餐厅——世界能够想象建一个奥斯维辛咖啡馆吗?——在西方人的眼中,这场运动几乎比愚蠢更进了一步。当这些年轻人不必穿着红卫兵的服装上班时,他们似乎不是公开的表示轻蔑,就是冷淡的不感兴趣。

“Honestly, I don’t like all that ‘Red’ stuff,” says 18-year-old Han Yutong, who dreams of being a television anchorwoman. “I think it’s just for show, just a propaganda exercise for the party.”

“老实说,我不喜欢任何‘红’的东西。”18岁的梦想成为电视台女主持人的韩雨童说,“我认为它只是一个演出,只是一场党的宣传运动。”

“To be honest, Mao doesn’t mean much to me,” agrees a 26-year-old diner looking up at a life-sized portrait of the late Chairman. “You should ask our parents about him, they remember the Cultural Revolution. Mao’s just a national leader. He’s not good, not bad.”

“说真的,毛对我并不重要。”一名26岁的用餐者也表示同意,他抬头看着真人比例的已故主席的雕塑,“你应该问我们的父母,他们记得文化大革命。毛只是一个国家领导。他不太好,也不太坏。”

“Was it really 30 million that died in the famine [of 1959-61]? I never heard about that,” adds Luo Dong, a 19-year-old, looking vaguely troubled as he dunks another slice of beef into a pot of bubbling oil. “But then I did study sciences. I want to be an environmentalist.”

“真的有3000万人死于(1959-61年)的饥荒吗?我从来没有听说过。”19岁的罗东补充说,他显得有点含糊和困惑,正将牛肉片往锅里放。“不过,我学过科学知识。我想成为环保人士。”

To listen to their blasé responses, you could be forgiven for thinking that the resurgence of the red Left was a theatrical irrelevance put on by the state. But to others, the revival reflects an ideological battle behind the scenes among the political elite, pitting those – like Mr Bo – who want to see the Communist state forcefully reassert its grip on power, against more liberal, reforming forces.

看到他们莫不关心的反应,你会原谅这种想法,红色复兴的风潮是由国家发动的不恰当的夸张演出。但是,对于其他人来说,红色复兴反应的是在幕后的政治精英中秘密进行的意识形态的交战,做这些事的目的——比如薄先生——是想共产党在面对更多的自由派和改革势力的压力下,能够强有力的掌握手中的权力。

Thoughts are turning to which direction the next generation of leaders, who assume power next year, will take China: will they turn to the Left, curtailing freedoms and stepping up party controls, or go Right, embracing a more liberal agenda that will build a more independent civil society, as a prelude to democracy many years hence? In recent months, in a portent that China might be “turning Left”, there has been a marked tightening of security, with more than 100 activists arrested, including the artist Ai Weiwei, who was released on bail last week after 81 days in detention.

对于中国下一代领导人的政治倾向的看法正在转变,假定明年获得权力的他们,将推动中国,或者向左转,限制自由并且加紧党的控制,或者向右转,拥抱更多的自由,建立更为独立的公民社会,成为今后民主的前奏?在最近几个月中,已经呈现了向左转的前兆,作为加紧安全控制的标致,有超过100名异议人士被捕,包括艺术家艾未未,在被拘留了81天后,他上个星期刚被保释。

Mr Bo, one of the few charismatic figures in politics, is unapologetic, claiming that his red song campaigns – and the Communist spirit they evoke – were the driving force behind China’s great revival. “Not only have they [red songs] allowed an impoverished, weak, quasi-colonised and semi-closed China to establish itself among the great peoples of the world,” he says. “It has also enabled us to become the world’s second largest economy.”

作为少数几名具有领袖素质的政治人物之一的薄先生,不愿为此道歉,声称他的红歌运动——唤起了共产主义精神——是中国的伟大复兴后面的驱动力量。“它不仅使贫困、软弱,半殖民地、半封建的中国确立了自己的伟大人民的地位,”他说,“也使我们成为了世界上第二大的经济体。”

However, for many Chinese, who have embraced the fruits of capitalism in recent decades, attempts by the party to take the ideological credit for China’s transformation ring hollow. The party, for all its professions to clean up its act, is mired in constant corruption scandals – a leaked report from the central bank estimates corrupt officials stole £6 billion in the decade from the late 1990s – and there is a widespread belief that it has become a decadent, self-enriching elite.

然而,对于许多中国人来说,最近几十年间拥抱了资本主义的果实,共产党试图进行的意识形态的变革陷于空洞。党的所有的专业的清理行动,陷于经常的腐败丑闻中——一份泄露的中央银行的报告估计,从90年代后期开始的十年间,腐败官员偷走了60亿英镑——有一种更为普遍的看法,共产党的干部已成了堕落,自我富裕的精英。

Another of Mr Bo’s more high-profile attempts to “reconnect” the party and proletariat demonstrates the depths of the party’s trust problem. This year, in a deliberate echo of Mao’s re-education campaigns, Mr Bo ordered 10,000 officials “back to the countryside” to deepen their understanding of the problems of the rural poor.

薄先生另外一个更为高调的尝试是“重新修补”党和无产阶级的关系,论证深层的党的信任难题。今年,在一项有意仿效毛的再教育运动的行动中,薄先生命令10000名官员“回到乡下”,加深他们对贫困农村问题的了解。

Officials were ordered to spend their weekends farming and Chongqing’s TV station duly showed them tilling the land, and planting peach trees as a gift to the agricultural poor, each hung with a crimson, peach-shaped tag bearing the name of the official that had planted it. However, when The Daily Telegraph visited Guangfu, the poor farmers made no secret that the scheme was a sham, explaining that local officials had paid five villagers 800 yuan (£75) each a month to do the work.

官员被命令在周末的时候从事农业劳动,重庆电视台及时播出他们耕地,种桃树的情景,这是作为送给贫困农业的礼物,每棵树上悬挂的桃子形的标签,上面写着种植官员的名字。然而,当每日电讯报的记者采访广富时,这些贫穷的农民口无遮拦的说这个计划是假的,并解释说,当地官员付给5位村民每个月800元人民币,让他们做这份工作。

“The leaders just used the tools in front of the TV cameras for a few minutes. When the cameras were switched off, they all left,” said 58-year-old Chen Kerong, one of those paid to do the work. “They only posed like farmers for the TV show. We weren’t even invited to watch.”

“领导们只是在电视台的摄像机前拿着工具摆了几分钟姿势。当摄像机关机后,他们就离开了。”一名收了钱负责干这些活的58岁的陈克荣说,“他们只是在电视前摆个类似农民的姿态。甚至不希望我们观看。”

Such stories go to the heart of the cynicism that many feel towards the party, with some activists openly deriding the red schemes of Mr Bo – who chose to educate his son, Bo Guagua, at Harrow, Oxford and Harvard – as hypocritical nonsense.

这类消息遭到切中要害的嘲讽,许多都是针对共产党的,一些活动人士公开挖苦薄熙来的红色计划——他选择在哈罗,牛津和哈佛教育他的儿子薄瓜瓜——伪善、荒谬。

“This is an absurd era: they encourage you to sing the revolutionary songs, but do not encourage you to make revolution,” a Chongqing-based activist, He Bing, wrote in a pithy microblog post. “They encourage you to watch the glory of the founding of the party, but do not encourage you to found a party.”

“这是一个荒谬的朝代:他们鼓励你唱革命者的歌曲,但却不鼓励你革命。”重庆的活动人士何兵在微博上简洁有力的写道,“他们鼓励你看光荣的建党大业,但是不鼓励你建党。”

Such talk can prove dangerous, as Fang Hong, a retired forestry worker discovered in April, when he was sentenced to a year of “re-education through labour” for posting a rude joke about Mr Bo (his name puns loosely in Chinese with the word for “erection”) on his microblog.

这类评论会面临危险,例如退休的林业工人方洪,他因为在微博中用粗鲁的笑话嘲讽薄先生(他的名字被写成中文的“勃起来”)而被判一年劳改。这是发生在四月份的事。

Not everyone derides Mr Bo. Supporters say that aside from his clunky socialist propaganda – which is proclaimed from hoardings along Chongqing’s highways – he has done much that is good, building low-cost housing, cleaning up corruption and boosting benefits for the poor.

不是所有人都嘲笑薄先生。支持者说,除了他的笨拙的社会主义宣传以外——这些宣传贴在重庆高速公路的隔离墙上——他做了很多好事,修建廉价的住房,打击腐败,以及推进穷人的福利。

Support is also guaranteed from party cadres gathered in the main square outside City Hall, where a party branch of a pharmaceutical company was on an outing, posing for photographs while chanting slogans with clenched fist salutes. “We follow the Party leadership! We keep the Party secrets!” they cried. “We give our lives to the Party! Without the Party there is no China! The Party points China the right way!”

党的干部也曾聚集在市府外的广场上宣誓,一个医药公司的党支部在那里举行活动,拍照,同时举着握紧的拳头喊出口号:“我们紧跟党的领导!我们保守党的秘密!”他们喊道,“我们将自己的生命全都献给党!没有党就没有中国!党指出了中国的正确道路!”

Such displays of devotion might seem anachronistic, even unnerving, to Western eyes but in a country where the party still holds the keys to advancement in many areas, the motivations are often more practical than ideological. “We sing because it makes us happy and is good for our health,” says He Rongjun, 57, a laid-off textile worker (and not a party member) who was leading a group of mostly retired Chinese in a round of red songs in Shapingba Park. “We never sing songs from the Cultural Revolution, they raise too many painful memories. If we sing songs to the party, it is for the good things that the party has brought, the prosperity, which is what everyone cares about.

这类表忠心的场面可能不合时宜,甚至,对于西方来说,令人不安,但是,对于一个在很多领域仍然能维持发展的党来说,动机常常比思想更实际。“我们唱这些歌,是因为它使我们快乐,对我们健康有好处。”57岁的下岗纺织工人何荣军说(他不是党员),他带领了一支主要由退休人员组成的红歌小组在沙平坝公园唱红歌。“我们从不唱文革歌曲,那些会带来痛苦的回忆。如果我们为党唱歌,是因为他们带来的那些好的事情,比如繁荣,这是每个人关心的事情。”

“It is impossible to go back [to the era of the Cultural Revolution]. People just aren’t like that any more. They are not stupid, they cannot be told what to think and they won’t just listen blindly to what the party says, not any more.”

“不可能回到(文革时代)。人们当然不会再喜欢那样。他们不笨,他们无法告诉你他们的想法,他们当然不再会盲目的听党的宣传了。”

And that simple truth, as Mr Bo’s “Red” campaigns perhaps inadvertently show, may yet prove to be the Communist Party’s biggest headache of all.

简单的事实是,对于薄先生来说,他的“红色”运动也许是不经意的表演,也可能成为令共产党最为头痛的事情。

 

中国当局说艺术家亏欠补交税款

30 6月

Chinese authorities say artist owes back taxes

 

By the CNN Wire Staff
June 29, 2011 — Updated 1544 GMT (2344 HKT)

 

Outspoken Chinese artist Ai Weiwei to speaks to reporters outside his studio in Beijing after his detainment by Chinese authorities.

 

Outspoken Chinese artist Ai Weiwei to speaks to reporters outside his studio in Beijing after his detainment by Chinese authorities.

 

 

Beijing (CNN) — Although prominent Chinese dissident artist Ai Weiwei has been charged with tax evasion, his lawyer Pu Zhiqiang says that the tax authorities have yet to provide evidence for the charge.

虽然杰出的异议艺术家艾未未被控逃税,但是他的律师浦志强说,税务部门还没有对这项指控提供证据。

Pu, a famous human rights lawyer in China, told CNN that he is currently applying to hold a hearing with the Beijing tax bureau to hear their evidence. He will call the bureau to confirm in the next three days, and hopes that the hearing will be held within 15 days.

中国著名的人权律师浦志强告诉CNN,他目前向北京税务局申请举行听证会,听取他们的证据。他要求税务局在3天内做出决定,并希望听证会能在15天内举行。

Pu said that if the evidence is valid, he will advise Ai Weiwei’s company to pay the back taxes of 5 million RMB (US$770,000) and the punishment fee of 7 million RMB (US$1 million), which is in accordance with Chinese regulations.

浦说,如果税务局提供的证据是有效的,他将建议艾未未交纳500万元的补交税款和700万元的罚款。

If he does not find the evidence valid, however, Pu said that the company will appeal.

 浦说,如果他发现这些证据是无效的,他们将上诉。

 

Ai Weiwei faces restrictions

 

Ai Weiwei, considered China’s most famous artist, was originally detained in April on grounds of tax evasion. However, his family and human rights advocates believe that the real reason for his imprisonment is his outspoken criticism of the Chinese state.

被认为是中国最著名的艺术家的艾未未,最初以逃税的罪名在四月被捕。但是,他的家人和维权人士相信,他被关押的真实原因是因为他对于当局的大胆直言的批评。

After three months in jail, Ai Weiwei was released on bail just last Wednesday, possibly for medical concerns.

在被监禁3个月后,艾在上个星期三刚被假释,可能是因为健康的原因。

Some users of the Chinese microblog site Weibo as well as Twitter have heard about the tax problem and are trying to raise money to help Ai pay the taxes. Ai’s wife Lu Qing said that she “is very grateful for their support and concerns.”

一些中国的微博和推特的用户,听说了关于税款的问题,试图募集捐款帮助艾支付这笔税款。艾的夫人路青说,她“非常感激他们的支持和关心。”

According to Lu Qing, Ai Weiwei cannot take any interviews from the media because he is still on bail. Calls to Ai’s mother rang unanswered Tuesday.

路青说,艾未未在假释期间不能接受任何采访。星期二打给艾的母亲的电话,没有应答。

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