- China’s Premier Seeks Reforms and Relevance

Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, bowing, at the scene of a deadly July 23 train wreck near Wenzhou. The crash, and subsequent official efforts to suppress information, have stirred anger in China.
总理温家宝在7月23日靠近温州的死亡事故的现场鞠躬。随后,官方对这起事故采取控制消息的做法,引发愤怒。
BEIJING — China’s prime minister, Wen Jiabao, stood amid funerary wreaths in Wenzhou, near where a high-speed train accident claimed 40 lives late last month, and pledged an “open and transparent” government inquiry into the disaster. “The key,” he said, “is whether the people can get the truth.”
在温州,中国总理温家宝站在葬礼的花圈中。上个月下旬,一起导致40人死亡的高铁事故就发生在附近。温家宝保证对这场灾难进行“开放和透明”的政府调查。他说:“这是人们能否获得真相的关键。”
The next day, censors silenced the news media’s dogged reporting on railway negligence and corruption, then started censoring posts on microblogs that had stoked outrage over the crash.
第二天,新闻媒体对铁路部门的疏忽和腐败的跟踪报道,在新闻审查机构的压力下沉默了,接着,对于微博言论的审查也开始了,这些做法引发了公众对于这起事故的愤怒。
By last week, the government inquiry itself was accused of being rigged, run by a panel that included the Railways Ministry’s second in command and loyalist experts.
上个星期,当局自己的调查被指控受到操控。这个调查是由包括铁道部第二把手和效忠的专家组成的小组所从事的。
Such indignities are not new. As Mr. Wen enters the twilight of a decade as China’s third-ranked leader, he appears to be struggling to remain relevant in a political system that covets his benevolent public image but has little use for his ideas.
类似的轻蔑并不新鲜。当温先生做为中国排名第三的领导任期届满之时,他好像仍然在政治系统内做着努力,但只是渴求他慈祥的公众形象,却很少采用他的意见。
The leading spokesman for what passes for political liberalism in China, Mr. Wen is by most accounts ideologically isolated on the Communist Party’s nine-member Politburo standing committee. More than once, his views have been rebuffed, tacitly or openly, in party organs. There are tantalizing hints of rifts with his boss, President Hu Jintao.
被认为是中国政治自由主义首要发言人的温先生,在中共政治局的九大常委中,被大多数人在意识形态上孤立。在党内,他的意见不止一次的被沉默或者公开的回绝过。耐人寻味地暗示他和老板,国家主席胡锦涛之间存在着裂痕。
“Grandpa Wen,” who shares the common man’s pain and champions his interests, is easily China’s most popular politician. But internally, as Communist Party hard-liners strengthen their control, his advocacy of political reform has increasingly sapped his influence.
分享普通人的痛苦和维护他的权力的“温爷爷”,显而易见是中国最受欢迎的政治人物。但是在党内,当强硬路线巩固他们的控制之时,他的政治改革的主张逐渐消弱了他的影响力。
He has become such a high-risk figure, one official news media editor says, that a conservative-led state radio network last year balked at his offer of an exclusive exchange with listeners on the air. Even liberals who support Mr. Wen’s reformist oratory find themselves disillusioned by his failure to gain traction within the leadership.
他变成了一个高度危险的人物,一名官方媒体的编辑说,去年保守派控制的国家广播网络回避他的独家报道,替换给听众其他节目。甚至连支持温先生的改革演讲的自由派也为他未能扩大在领导层内的影响而感到失望。
“When Wen became premier eight years ago, people had high hopes because his speeches always leave people hopeful,” said He Weifang, a liberal Beijing legal scholar. “But now it has been eight years. His term is coming to an end. It’s doubtful whether he genuinely has the strong will to reform, because it doesn’t seem he has taken enough convincing actions to resist the conservatives.”
“当八年前温成为总理时,人们对他的期望很高,因为他的演讲总是给人以希望。”北京的一名自由派法律学者贺卫方说,“但是,现在已经八年了。他的任期就要结束了。他是否真的有强烈的改革意愿是令人怀疑的,因为他似乎没有采取足够的行动对付保守派。”
Mr. Wen has never been seen as especially strong. Some scholars of China’s leadership say his unspecific calls for democracy and people power actually fit comfortably within a Communist Party committed to absolute rule.
温先生从来没有被认为特别强壮。一些中国的党内学者说,他泛泛呼吁的民主和人权的尺度实际上正好适合中共的极权统治。
Others question his maverick credentials, calling him less a reformer than the good cop in a bad-cop system. “Wen’s become the human face of the administration, and he’s been very effective,” said Susan Shirk, a longtime China expert at the University of California, San Diego. “The other possibility is that Wen Jiabao has two faces. He advocates transparency in his public statements, but only insofar as it doesn’t threaten the authority of the party.”
另外一些人则质疑他的诚信力,说他的改革还不如一个在坏的警察系统中的好警察。“温变成了人类面孔的施政者,而且很有效。”圣地亚哥加利社尼亚大学长期的中国问题专家谢淑丽说,“另一种可能是,温家宝有两张面孔。他主张透明的政治,但是仅限于不会威胁到共产党的地位。”
But in a mostly faceless and closed-mouth leadership, no one strains so publicly at his tethers — or suffers as many rebuffs — as Mr. Wen. That pattern has intensified as jockeying begins for next year’s choices of a new politburo and the next generation of China’s top leaders.
但是,在大多数面孔冰冷、默不作声的领导层中,没有人公开的和他站在一起——或者遭受公然的回绝——像温先生一样。当中共正在为来年的政治局和下一代的领导的选择而运作之时,这种情景得到了加强。
The Wenzhou episode is illustrative. One political analyst close to senior officials said Mr. Wen had not planned to visit the disaster scene; a deputy prime minister who oversees work safety, Zhang Dejiang, was to handle the matter.
温州的插曲说明了这点。一位接近高层的政治分析家说,温先生没有计划去灾难现场;掌管安全工作的副总理张德江负责处理此事。
But with Mr. Zhang in charge, backhoes crushed and buried a wrecked train car at the site — and provoked a national outcry from bloggers who accused the government of a cover-up. Mr. Wen, then in a People’s Liberation Army hospital and limited to occasional appearances, was sent to Wenzhou to soothe the masses.
但是,在张先生的掌控下,挖掘机在现场压碎并掩埋了一节火车的残骸——激起了全国各地博客作者的大声抗议,他们指控政府掩盖事故真相。然后,正在解放军总院住院并被限制只能偶尔活动的温先生被送到了温州安抚民众。
Mr. Wen pointedly mentioned that he had been sick — a rare disclosure for a leader — then delivered a call for truth, justice and an inquiry that was open at “every step” to public supervision. The official state media took Mr. Wen’s broadside as a pass to keep digging into Railways Ministry incompetence.
温先生直截了当的提及他生病了——领导人罕有此举——然后表示要寻求真相和正义,要进行一项“每个步骤”都开放给公众监督的调查。官方媒体曲解温先生的批评为保持对铁道部无能的调查。
But the event underscored how the Communist Party’s Propaganda Department trumps a prime minister’s pledge of openness. China’s national CCTV network, which normally trails Mr. Wen to every disaster scene, did not broadcast his remarks live, prompting one anchor to protest on his microblog. Within a day, press coverage backflipped to cheery articles like a paean to the new Beijing-Shanghai high-speed line.
但是,这起事件突显了中共宣传部如何胜过一位总理的公开保证。中国国家电视网CCTV,通常推后播出温先生每次到灾难现场的报道,不播出他发表讲话的实况,促使一名主持人在自己的微博上发出抗议。一天之内,新闻报道180度大转弯,刊发欢快的文章,例如赞美新的北京至上海的高铁线路的。
As he did after the train accident, Mr. Wen stood in the rubble of the Sichuan Province earthquake in 2008 and promised a transparent investigation into the collapses of shoddily built schools that killed thousands of children. The press reported that 2,500 investigators were deployed. But no wrongdoing was ever disclosed — instead, several activists who pursued malfeasance wound up in detention.
就像他在火车事故之后做的一样,2008年四川地震后,他站在瓦砾上保证要公开调查导致数千名孩子死亡的劣质校舍。报章报道有2500人投入了这项工作。但是没有任何不道德的行为被披露——相反的,一些追踪渎职行为的民间活动分子被拘留了。
Mr. Wen can be crafty. In April 2010, analysts puzzled over a People’s Daily essay by him — published while President Hu was in Brazil — extolling Hu Yaobang, the popular leader forced to resign in 1987 for his reformist bent and whose death, in 1989, helped propel the Tiananmen Square protests. One anecdote described a Hu Yaobang visit that Mr. Wen arranged with Guizhou Province villagers — secretly, he wrote, because Hu Yaobang did not trust local leaders to let them speak freely.
温先生可以很狡猾。在2010年4月,分析家揣摩他在人民日报上的散文——刊登这篇文章的同时,胡主席正在巴西访问——这篇文章赞美胡耀邦。胡耀邦是最受欢迎的领导,1987年因改革而被迫辞职,死于1989年。他的死引发了天安门抗议。温先生安排贵州省的村民与胡耀邦见面,他写道,因为胡耀邦不相信当地领导能让他们自由的对话。
President Hu was the Guizhou party chief during that visit. Outsiders largely missed the article’s implicit jab — but President Hu was mightily displeased, said an editor with high official connections.
胡锦涛主席当时正担任贵州省委书记。局外人大多没有意识到这篇文章的含蓄攻击——但是胡锦涛感到强烈的不快,一名与高层有关系的编辑说。
More often, Mr. Wen is blunt. In a speech last August in Shenzhen, the birthplace of China’s market-oriented reforms, he warned that “without political reform, China may lose what it has already achieved through economic restructuring.”
更多时候,温先生表现得有些迟钝。去年八月,在深圳的一次演讲中,他警告说“没有政治改革,中国可能失去通过经济转型而获得的成果。”
He followed in October by telling CNN that “the people’s wishes for and needs for democracy and freedom are irresistible” and that Chinese should be permitted to criticize the government more freely. The state press, which ignored a similar CNN interview in 2008, ignored this one as well.
他接着在十月份告诉CNN,“人们对于民主和自由的需要不可抗拒。”并且,中国应该允许更为自由的批评政府。官方媒体忽略了2008年类似的CNN的采访,这次也同样被忽略。
But shortly afterward, People’s Daily began publishing a five-editorial series on party discipline, which was said by two state media editors to have been orchestrated by President Hu’s leading strategists and approved by top leadership.
但是不久之后,人民日报开始刊登有关党的纪律的五篇系列社论,据说这个系列的社论是在胡锦涛授权下由两名喉舌的编辑精心完成的,并且得到了最高领导层的批准。
A sentence in one stood out: “The notion that political reform has seriously lagged” is not only “contrary to objective laws, but also inconsistent with objective facts.”
其中一篇文章强调:“政治改革的观念严重落后”不仅“违反客观规律,也与客观事实不一致。”
At least once after the CNN appearance, two journalists close to senior party officials said, members of the leadership personally, although how strongly was unclear, warned Mr. Wen about making statements that appeared out of tune with the Communist Party line.
至少曾经在CNN现身之后,两名接近党的高层的记者说,虽然领导层内对其支持的程度并不清楚。警告温先生发表的演讲与党的路线不搭调。(这段存疑)
At 68, with retirement in sight, Mr. Wen may not care about such slaps on the wrist. In fact, he might gain a voice in shaping the next class of upper-echelon leaders.
已经68岁,退休就在眼前的温先生可能并不在乎这类打击。事实上,他应该增加音量影响下一届的领导梯队。
But Mr. Wen’s happy-warrior persona also shows signs of tarnishing his standing with the masses, as government action consistently falls short of his promises. “More people are starting to ask, ‘Why don’t these words come true?’ ” said Mr. He, the legal scholar.
但是,温先生的快乐战士的角色在他面对大众时也显示出了锈蚀的迹象,因为当局的行动始终达不到他的承诺。“更多的人开始质疑,‘为什么这些话不兑现呢?’”法律学者贺先生说。
Chen Jianping, 23, a friend of two of Wenzhou train-crash survivors, said “I only believe part of what Premier Wen said. The government is unable to carry out everything it promises; some of what he says may be just show.”
两名温州火车事故幸存者的朋友陈建平说,“我只相信温总理的部分说法。政府没有能力兑现他保证的每一件事。他的一些说可能只是表演。”
Yet in a China that seems more suspicious of authority almost daily, a show may be better than nothing.
然而在中国,几乎每天似乎都有对政府更多的质疑,一场表演总比什么都没有强。
“The cynicism about the system is rising,” said Cheng Li, a Brookings Institution scholar of the Chinese leadership. “My real worry is whether the next generation will have a Wen Jiabao-like leader.”
“有关系统的玩世不恭正在增长中。”布鲁金斯学院的中国领导层的学者陈立说,“我真正的担心是,下一代的领导中是否会有类似温家宝的人。”







